[Since the 1930s Western psychology has been gripped with the frenzy
that it is a behavioral science, meaning that what good scientific psychologists
should study is only overtly measureable behavior. Historically, this
was due to the inordinately excessive influence that animal learning
theory, particularly classical and operant conditioning, exerted over
American academic laboratory psychology, roughly from the 1930s to the
1960s. Large scale studies of the white rat proliferated to such an
extent that they took over all other forms of psychologycausing
B. F. Skinner to declare that the term psychology, at that time believed
to be outmoded, had finally been displaced by the more precise phrase
'behavior science.' Following suit, federal and private grant funding
agencies took up the phrase, renaming all their departments, causing
the word psychology to fall out of scientific vogue for several decades.
Everything termed psychological was then termed behavioral. While the
hegemony of the behaviorists ended in the 1960s and was replaced by
the cognitive revolution in psychology, cognitivists have retained a
large portion of the principles of classical and operant behavior, which
they apply to a study of internal mental events. Thus, the term behavioral
is now often used synonymously with the word psychological, although
the field of psychology contains many more humanistic pastures. Ed.]
Many traditional schools maintain that sensory, perceptual, and cognitive
abilities are enhanced by meditation. Some Eastern schools, including
Theravada and Zen Buddhism, Vedanta, and yoga, offer systematic ways
to cultivate a clarity, flexibility, efficiency, and broadened range
of mental functions similar to the meditation results reviewed in the
six sub-sections below. The perceptual and cognitive abilities that
seem to have been enhanced during modern experiments correspond with
various capacities described in the Hindu-Buddhist traditions as siddhis
(exceptional powers), vibhutis (perfections), and riddhis
(psychically prosperous states). Smritritwa, for example, is
a highly developed form of memory enhancement reported in contemporary
studies. Adwani siddhi, the ability to withstand misleading
or destructive suggestions from other minds, resembles the good judgment
and perception associated with field independence (below). Vijnamaya
vidya siddhi, a supernormal agility of mind, includes many
of the mental improvements being reviewed here. Other capacities such
as these, according to the traditional teachings, could also be included
in such comparisons.
Brown et al. (1984a, 1984b) studied the relationship between meditation
and visual sensitivity, and summarized their findings as follows:
Practitioners of the mindfulness form of Buddhist meditation were
tested for visual sensitivity before and immediately after a three-month
retreat during which they practiced mindfulness meditation for sixteen
hours each day. A control group composed of the staff at the retreat
center was similarly tested. Visual sensitivity was defined in two
ways: by a detection threshold based on the duration of simple light
flashes and a discrimination threshold based on the interval between
successive simple light flashes. All light flashes were presented
tachistoscopically and were of fixed luminanoe. After the retreat,
practitioners could detect shorter single-light flashes and required
a shorter interval to differentiate between successive flashes correctly.
The control group did not change on either measure. Phenomenological
reports indicate that mindfulness practice enables practitioners to
become aware of some of the usually preattentive processes involved
in visual detection. The results support the statements found in
Buddhist texts on meditation concerning the changes in perception
encountered during the practice of mindfulness.
McEvoy et al. (1980) measured brainstem auditory-evoked potentials
in five advanced practitioners of TM to determine whether such responses
would reflect reported increases in perceptual acuity to auditory stimuli
following meditation. No pre-, postmeditation differences for experimental
subjects were observed at low stimulus intensities (035dB). At
moderate intensities (4050dB) latency of the inferior collicular
wave increased following meditation, but at higher stimulus intensities
(5570dB) latency of this wave was slightly decreased. The authors
concluded that a comparison of slopes and intercepts of stimulus intensity-latency
functions indicates a possible effect of meditation on brainstem activity.
Earlier, Wandhofer and Plattig (1973) reported that cortical auditory-evoked
potentials were of significantly shorter latency in TM practitioners
compared with controls. McEvoy et al. (1980) pointed out that these
results were consistent with earlier reports of increased auditory acuity
in meditators versus nonmeditators, as well as decreased sensory thresholds
following a period of meditation [see Clements and Milstein (1977) and
Pirot (1977).] Such findings have been interpreted to indicate a beneficial
central nervous system effect of TM on factors underlying sensory and
perceptual processing [see Pelletier (1977b) and Pelletier and Garfield
(1977).] Keithler (1981) found that TM meditators had significantly
lower auditory thresholds than controls using a method-of-limits test,
and had no significant differences using a forced-choice absolute threshold
test.
Meissner and Pirot (1983) tested twenty males (ten TM meditators and
ten controls) with a strong right-hand preference, with 120 time trials
to a 500 hz auditory stimulus presented to right, left, and both ears.
Before meditation, when the ears were compared to each other, a significant
right-ear advantage occurred in all relaxation conditions for both groups.
After meditation, however, the TM group demonstrated no right-ear advantage. The authors concluded that TM is an attentional strategy that disrupts
the usual biases of the brain.
Heil (1983) concluded that the practice of meditation enhances visual
imagery ability. Shapiro (1980a) and Shapiro and Giber (1978) reported
enhanced percepual sensitivity. Walsh (1978) reported that meditation
reduced perceptual noise. Blasdell (1977), Orme-Johnson et al. (1977a),
and Orme-Johnson (1973) found that TM increased perceptual motor performance.
Linden (1973) found that regular practice of meditation is associated
with a significant enhancement of attentive ability, as assessed by
the Embedded Figures Test and the Rod and Frame Tests. Williams and
Herbert (1976), however, conducted a study that found no differences
in perceptual motor ability within subjects practicing meditation. Domitor (1978) found no support for the hypothesis that meditation favorably
affects perceptual change as measured by the Holtzman Inkblot Test and
the Embedded Figures Test.
Dillbeck (1977b) investigated the effects of the regular practice of
TM on habitual patterns of visual perception and verbal problem solving.
He hypothesized that two weeks of TM practice would tend to free the
subjects from inhibitory effects of those patterns, while allowing an
improvement in their efficient use when appropriate. The subjects in
this study were sixty-nine university students who either practiced
TM, relaxed, or added nothing to their daily schedule for two-week periods. The general hypothesis was supported for tasks involving a tachistoscopic
identification of card-and-letter sequence stimuli, but not for a verbal
problem-solving task involving anagram solutions.
Pagano and Frumkin (1977) reported that TM meditators demonstrated
enhanced ability to remember and discriminate musical tones. Shaw and
Kolb (1977), Davidson et al. (1976a, 1976b), and Udupa (1973) also reported
that meditators seemed to have better auditory receptivity and perceptual
discrimination than controls. Martinetti (1976) concluded that practitioners
of TM may have learned to focus their attention to a level at which
thresholds for pertinent perceptual cues such as binocular disparity
may be lowered. He stated that the concomitant increase in response
sensitivity would account for the superiority of meditators at signal
detection in the Ames Trapezoid Illusion, where meditators were twice
as sensitive as controls. Nolly (1975) found that meditating subjects
perceived a greater number of objects on a stimulus slide than did nonmeditating
controls.
Jedrczak et al. (1986) found that the number of months of practice
of the TM-Sidha program significantly predicted higher performance on
two measures of perceptual motor speed. Robertson (1983) assessed fractionated
reaction time for fourteen subjects to determine the short- and long-term
effects of TM on neuromuscular integration. Results indicated no significant
immediate pre- to posttreatment effect, but a significant cumulative
effect over days. Faster total reaction time was noted due to a decrease
in premotor time, although an increase in motor time was also observed.
Warshall (1980) found a significant reduction in reflex latency and
reflex motor time in TM practitioners, indicating increased peripheral
neurological efficiency. Holt et al. (1978) reported that TM increased
the speed of visual-choice reaction time. Sinha et al. (1978) found
a consistent decline in reaction time following vipashyana meditation
for three groups of police officers. Shaw and Kolb (1977), Blackwell et al. (1976), Appelle and Oswald (1974), and Wandhofer and Plattig
(1973) concluded that the increased alertness developed through meditation
resulted in improvement of reaction time.
On the other hand, Wood (1983 and 1986) tested sixteen TM meditators
with three or more years of experience against a group of controls and
found that there was no significant difference between groups on the
pursuit rotor task. Williams and Herbert (1976) had similar findings
when they compared thirty TM meditators and thirty nonmeditators on
the pursuit rotor task, reporting that meditators did not perform better,
did not exhibit less intra-individual variability, and were not more
resistant to the accumulation of reactive inhibition. In fact, it appeared
that the meditators were a little more susceptible to the cumulative
effects of reactive inhibition. Williams and Vickerman (1976) gave
forty-six college female volunteers sixty-six ten-second trials on the
pursuit rotor task in three practice sessions (eighteen, thirty, and
eighteen trials per session). After the first eighteen trials, the
twenty-three subjects who were practiced Transcendental Meditators meditated
for a twenty-minute period followed by a five-minute waking phase prior
to performing a further thirty trials on the rotor. A four-minute rest
was taken before resuming practice for the final eighteen trials. The
other twenty-three subjects, who were not meditators, followed the same
procedures, except instead of meditating they sat quietly with closed
eyes. In terms of performance, learning, reminiscence, and intra-individual
variability, the two groups were similar. These results were not in
accordance with the expectations that these parameters would reflect
the facilitative effects of Transcendental Meditation on alertness,
awareness, consistency, and resistance to stress. While Williams and
Vickerman concluded that the practice of Transcendental Meditation does
not appear to benefit acquisition of fine perceptual motor skill, they
suggested that more investigation might produce a better understanding
of meditation's effects on perceptual motor behavior.
In a ten-day trial, Dhume and Dhume (1991) compared the performance
of balance on a balance board in three groups: controls, subjects given
dextroamphetamine, and yogic meditators. The group given dextroamphetamines
scored significantly worse than the control group, and the yogic meditation
group scored significantly better than the control group.
Deikman (1966a) hypothesized that mystical phenomena were a consequence
of deautomatization, i.e., an increased flexibility of perceptual and
emotional responses to the environment. He suggested that meditation
is a manipulation of attention that produces deautomatization. He also
suggested that deautomatization was a regression to the perceptual and
cognitive state of the child or infant, and that it explained the five
principal features of the mystic experience: intense realness, unusual
sensations, unity, ineffability, and trans-sensate experiences.
Bono (1984) studied sixteen beginning TM meditators and found that
the meditators made a significant shift toward field independence after
six months of TM practice. However, a group of twenty control subjects
tested simultaneously also made a significant shift toward field independence
after merely sitting quietly with eyes closed for twenty minutes. The
author concluded that relaxation and calmness are crucial factors involved
in the fluctuation of this perceptual style, perhaps along with a practice
effect. And while meditation is a sufficient cause of these quieting
responses, it is not a necessary one. Bono also measured autokinetic
effect, which Pelletier (1974) considered a measure of field independence,
and found that control subjects demonstrated greater autokinetic effect
than meditators when observed before and after the six-month control
period. Although meditators showed a slight shift toward greater perceived
autokinesis after the two control periods, while control subjects moved
slightly in the opposite direction, no significant differences were
found. Five-year meditators were not found to be appreciably different
from control subjects in reported autokinetic effect. However, the
difference between long- and short-term meditators approached significance,
with long-term meditators perceiving more autokinesis.
The following researchers have found that measures of field dependence/independence,
such as the Embedded Figures Test and the Rod and Frame Test, have shown
that meditators become more field independent following periods of meditation:
Ferguson (1993), Ferguson (1992), Jedrczak and Clements (1984), Shapiro
and Giber (1978), Orme-Johnson and Granieri (1977), Abrams (1977b),
Goleman and Schwartz (1976), Smith (1975b), Pelletier (1974, 1977b),
and Linden (1973). But Goldman et al. (1979) found no change in field
independence among Zen meditators.
Macrae (1983) studied forty-five experienced meditators and forty-five
controls using the Time Metaphor Test and the Human Field Motion Test. There was a significant difference in scores between meditators reporting
deeper meditative experiences and controls, indicating that meditators
experienced greater human field motion.
Hjelle (1974) investigated the effects of TM on locus of control and
found that meditators demonstrated increased internal locus of control
on the Rotter I-E scale.
Sabel (1980) assigned sixty practitioners of TM to two treatment groups.
One group meditated for twenty minutes while the other read a text quietly.
Both groups were tested before and after treatment to measure their
concentration ability. Meditation had no measurable short-term effect
on concentration and the subjects' experience of meditation was not
correlated with their concentration score.
Spanos et al. (1980a) pretested eighty-one male students on absorption
and three measures of hypnotic responsiveness, then randomly assigned
them to three treatment groups, one that meditated for eight sessions,
a second that listened analytically to lectures about hypnosis for eight
sessions, and a third that was not treated. All students were then
posttested on absorption and hypnotic responsivity measures. Meditating
subjects were much more likely than those who listened to lectures to
report intrusions into their attending. Neither the meditation nor
the listening treatments enhanced hypnotic responsivity or absorption.
Earlier, Spanos et al. (1979) studied four groups of trained meditators
differing in amount of meditation practice, and a group of nonmeditators,
all of whom were assigned to attend nonanalytically to a mantra in two
meditation sessions. Meditators signaled fewer intrusions and reported
"deeper" levels of meditating than nonmeditators. However,
meditators and nonmeditators did not differ on hypnotic susceptibility,
absorption, or indices of psychopathology. Previously, Spanos et al.
(1978) found a significant negative correlation between the number of
irrelevant thoughts that subjects reported as intruding into their meditating
and hypnotic susceptibility.
Other researchers have reported that meditation trains the capacity
to attend, that meditators report more instances of total intentional
involvement, or that meditators have fewer intrusions of irrelevant
thoughts [see Moretti-Altuna (1987), Tomassetti (1985), Williams (1985),
Sinha et al. (1978), Kelton (1978), Goleman (1976), Davidson et al.
(1976a, 1976b), Walrath and Hamilton (1975), Orme-Johnson and Granieri
(1977), Pelletier (197), Van Nuys (1973), Deikman (1971), Tart (1971),
and Maupin (1965).]
Jedrczak et al. (1986) found that the number of months of practice
of the TM-Sidha program predicted higher performance on two tests of
nonverbal intelligence.
Verma et al. (1982) gave twenty-three TM practitioners and fifteen
controls ten cognitive psychological tests. Statistically significant
improvements were noted in the coding, time factor, and Raven standard
progressive matrices tests, with improvement in the arithmetic test
falling just short of significance. On the other tests, which measured
less complicated mental functions, such as number 9 cancellation and
digit span, the influence of TM on performance was negligible.
Fiebert and Mead (1981) randomly assigned twenty students in an introductory
psychology class to an experimental group that was taught "actualism"
meditation and asked to practice before studying and before exams, and
a control group that was taught the technique but asked to practice
at other times. There were no differences between the groups in mean
weekly study time, but the experimental group performed significantly
better on examinations than the control group.
Yuille and Sereda (1980) studied sixty-six females and seventy males
who responded to ads in a university newspaper. All subjects were given
pretests and posttests of short- and long-term memory, attention, reading
skills, and intelligence. After the pretest, each subject was given
individual training in TM, Shavasana yoga, or pseudomeditation, and
was asked to practice meditation twice a day, monitoring his or her
practice with individual diaries. The practice of meditation had no
systematic effect on the variables assessed.
Kindler (1979) studied 230 subjects in forty-six five-person teams
in group problem-solving effectiveness, and found that meditation teams
improved more from pretest to posttest than control teams and that meditators
felt less tense and had a greater sense of effective teamwork than control
teams.
Nidich (1976) measured ninety-six TM meditators of various lengths
of experience using Lawrence Kohlberg's Moral Judgement Review, and
found a positive relationship between the practice of TM and moral development.
The TM literature generally reports improvement in intelligence, school
grades, learning ability, and short- and long-term recall [see Cranson
et al. (1991), Dillbeck et al. (1986), Jedrczak et al. (1985), Lewis
(1978a), Orme-Johnson and Granieri (1977), Abrams (1977a, 1977b), Heaton
and Orme-Johnson (1977a, 1977b), Collier (1977), Levin (1977), Glueck and Stroebel (1975), and Tjoa (1975).]
Brown and Engler (1984) studied five groups of meditation practitioners
who practiced Buddhist Vipassana or mindfulness meditation. Teacher
ratings were used as the primary criteria to delineate a subject's experience
level.
A "beginner's group" consisted of fifteen subjects whose
Rorschachs were collected immediately after three months of intensive
meditation. These subjects received a mean rating of six or more by
their teachers on the scale of Emotional Problems. Their Rorschachs
were not especially different from Rorschachs they took just before
the meditation retreat. The only differences were a slight decrease
in productivity across subjects and a noticeable increase in drive-dominated
responses for some subjects.
A second group consisted of thirteen subjects who met the dual criteria
of receiving a mean rating of six or more by their teachers on the scale
of Emotional Problems and who reported "sometimes" on the
POME (Profile of Meditation Experience) questions concerning concentration
and samadhi. The most outstanding characteristic of their Rorschachs
was their unproductivity and paucity of associative elaboration. In
addition, many of their images were fluidly perceived and they made
many comments on the pure perceptual features of the inkblot.
A third group consisted of three subjects who met the dual criteria
of receiving a mean rating of six or more by their teachers on the scale
of Emotional Problems and who reported "sometimes" on the
POME questions concerning concentration and samadhi. Their teachers
also believed that they had progressed to the more advanced "insight"
stages as classically defined. The Rorschachs of this group point in
a direction nearly opposite to that of the second group, in that they
are primarily characterized by increased productivity and richness of
associative elaborations.
A fourth group consisted of four advanced Western meditators judged
by their teachers to have reached at least the first of the four stages
of enlightenment recognized by their school of meditation practice.
Their Rorschachs were collected after a period of intensive meditation
and they appear to be more like the Rorschachs of the beginners' group. The most unusual feature of their responses was the degree to which
they perceived the inkblots as an interaction of form and energy or
form and space.
A fifth classification consisted of a single South Asian individual
recognized as an ariyas or "one worthy of praise,"
who is alleged to have attained all but one of the four levels of enlightenment
and to have undergone a cognitive-emotional restructuring that has completely
or almost completely eliminated suffering from his experience. Analysis
of this Rorschach opens up all the complicated issues of cross-cultural
Rorschach interpretation, though it revealed two notable facts. First,
the subject demonstrated a shift in perspective, seeing the inkblot
as a projection of mind, whereas most subjects accept the physical reality
of an inkblot and then project their imagings onto it. Second, the
subject integrated all ten Rorschach cards in a single associated theme
representing a Buddhist discourse on the alleviation of suffering.
The authors concluded that these Rorschach protocols supported the
belief that the classical subjective reports of meditation stages are
more than religious belief systems. Such reports, the authors maintain,
are valid accounts of the perceptual changes that occur with intensive
meditation that seeks understanding and relief from suffering.
Earlier, Maupin (1965) conducted a Rorschach study of twenty-eight
inexperienced meditators who were instructed in a Zen Buddhist-related
concentration exercise, concluding that these subjects experienced an
increase in primary process thinking along with a greater capacity to
tolerate it. Kasamatsu and Hirai (1963) found relatively higher scores
of whole responses, relatively higher scores of Human Movement Reaction,
and relatively lower total color responses and differentiated texture
reactions among Zen practitioners.
Every enduring school of spiritual practice, no matter how world denying,
has emphasized concern for the condition of others. Nearly all their
disciplines seek to promote an empathy with created things that leads
toward oneness with them. Tat tvam asi, thou art that, perhaps
the most famous Indian spiritual assertion, refers to our fundamental
identity with the Ground of Being, which we can realize through the
practice of Vedantic yoga. The cessation of the mind's subtle turbulence,
the citta-vritti-nirodh described in Patanjali's sutras, reveals
the essential unity we have with the universe. Given the pervasiveness
of this teaching in so many traditions, it is not surprising that several
contemporary studies show that meditation increases empathy for others.
Lesh (1970a, 1970c), for example, studied Zen meditation and the development
of empathy in counselors. He used Carl Rogers' characterization of
empathy as a twofold process involving both the capacity of the counselor
to sense what the client is feeling and the ability to communicate this
sensitivity at a level attuned to the client's emotional state. Three
groups were studied. The first consisted of sixteen students who were
taught zazen. The second consisted of twelve students who volunteered
to learn zazen but were not actually taught. The third consisted of
eleven students who were opposed to learning meditation. All subjects
were pretested and posttested four weeks later using the Affective Sensitivity
Scale, the Experience Inquiry, and the Personal Orientation Inventory,
with the following findings:
- The group that practiced zazen improved significantly in empathic
ability. The two control groups did not.
- The level of concentration reached in zazen is not related to the
degree of empathy achieved.
- Zazen is most effective in improving empathic ability in people
who start out low in this ability.
- Openness to experience is related to empathic ability. The more
open to experience, the more empathic a person seems to be.
- Empathic ability is related to the degree of self-actualization
a person has achieved. The more self-actualizing, the more empathic
a person seems to be.
- People less open to experience seem to be unwilling to practice
zazen, and they are less empathic than those who are open to experience.
Sweet and Johnson (1990) have developed a meditation-based program
for developing empathy called MEET (Meditation Enhanced Empathy Training)
for use in training of mental health professionals and in treatment
protocols. Anecdotal reports of effectiveness have been positive and
confirmatory research is planned.
Other researchers have concluded that meditation increases empathy
and sensitivity [see Reiman (1985), Shapiro (1980b), Kornfield (1979),
Walsh (1978), Kohr (1977a, 1977b), Shapiro and Giber (1978), Pelletier
(1976a, 1978), Davidson et al. (1976a, 1976b), Griggs (1976), Kubose
(1976), Van den Berg and Mulder (1976), Leung (1973), Udupa (1973),
Osis et al. (1973), Banquet (1973), Van Nuys (1973), Nidich et al. (1973),
Deikman (1966a), and Maupin (1965).]
The legend that Gautama Buddha witnessed his past lives before he attained
enlightenment can be interpreted as a parable of meditation's cathartic
power, which facilitates liberation from unconscious effects of early
experience on present consciousness and behavior. The Yoga Sutras of Patanjali suggest a similar process (see Book III, verse 18). Modern
studies also suggest that meditation stimulates a regression to early
fixation points so that they may be understood and mastered.
Shafii (1973b), for example, stated that in meditation controlled regression
returns an individual to early fixation points, and to the reexperience
of minute and silent traumas of the separation and individuation phase
on a silent and nonverbal level. This revisit and reexperience frees
psychic energy, he suggested, providing more freedom from earlier patterns
of behavior and more openness to all forms of learning. Maupin (1965)
reported that Rorschach test results indicated that meditation brings
about a sequence of regressive states. Others who have reported that
meditation increases adaptive regression include Kornfield (1979), Pelletier
(1976a, 1978), Moles (1977), Lesh (1970), and Alexander (1931).
Studies that have tried to measure these two aspects of personal functioning
have produced mixed results, making comparison with traditional ideas
about them extremely difficult. Both creativity and self-actualization,
moreover, as they are defined for psychological study, are complex entities
consisting of various traits and capacities, such as perceptual skill,
ideational fluency, openness to experience, emotional flexibility, empathy,
and adaptive regression. In some studies, one or more of these traits
have improved while others have not, clouding the picture of meditation's
result on the category as a whole. Furthermore, the psychologies on
which traditional contemplative disciplines were based did not use the
same personality categories. In the two sections that follow, therefore,
we have not tried to compare the results of contemporary studies with
traditional accounts of contemplation's effect on personality development
as a whole.
O'Haire and Marcia (1980) used three groups to study personality characteristics
associated with Ananda Marga Meditation: thirty- two subjects with interest
but no experience in meditation, seventy-eight subjects with six months
to three years of meditation experience, and thirty-six subjects with
more than three years of meditation experience. Autobiographical information
was collected from the subjects and the following measures were taken:
Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking, Barron's Ego Strength Scale, Myers-Briggs
Type Indicator, Eysenck Personality Inventory, and frequency of lateral
eye movement. No relationship between creativity and experience in
meditation was found. This conclusion supported the research of Domino
(1977), Otis (1974), Schwartz (1974), and Cowger (1974a).
Cowger and Torrance (1982), however, studied twenty-four college undergraduates
who experienced Zen meditation and ten who experienced similar training
in relaxation. Both groups were administered pre- and posttests of
the Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking. The meditators attained statistically
significant gains in heightened consciousness of problems, perceived
change, invention, sensory experience, expression of emotion/feeling,
synthesis, unusual visualization, internal visualization, humor, and
fantasy. Those experiencing relaxation training manifested statistically
significant drops in verbal fluency, verbal originality, figural fluency,
and figural originality; and statistically significant gains in sensory
experience, synthesis, and unusual visualization. When the Linear Models
Procedure was used to compare the changes registered by the meditation
and relaxation groups, it was found that the change of the meditation
group exceeded those of the relaxation group on perceived change resulting
from new conditions, expression of emotion, internal visualization,
and imagery.
Earlier, Kubose and Umemoto (1980) pointed to various similarities
between creative problem solving and Zen koan study. They found that
both involved the elimination of prior interfering approaches, satiation
effects resulting from prolonged concentration, a unification of contradictory
events, and more right- than left-brain hemispheric functioning. They
also noted that both involved common psychological processes, including
stages of preparation, incubation, illumination, and evaluation.
Several TM researchers have claimed that meditation and creativity
are linked. Ball (1980) stated that students participating in the TM-Sidhi
program showed significant increases in creativity. Ball (1980) also
compared a group of TM practitioners with a group of students taking
a developmental psychology class and found that TM improved verbal originality
and originality on the sounds and images test. Orme-Johnson and Granieri
(1977) reported significant increases in originality and fluency of
visuo-spatial creativity using the Torrance Test of Creative Thinking.
They concluded that their subjects improved significantly on the fluency
and creativity subscales of the Torrance Test of Creative Thinking,
and that these improvements were significantly correlated with the number
of experiences of siddhis. They stated that at least one type of competence—superior
performance on the Torrance Tests of Creativity—has been found to correlate
significantly with subjective reports of transcendental consciousness. Shecter (1977) reported increased creativity in the classroom [see also
Margid (1986), Stamatelos (1986), Garfield (1985a, 1985b), and Jedrczak
et al. (1985)].
According to Sallis (1982), Abraham Maslow and meditation philosophy
share a view that humans are endowed with potentials for growth that
are obstructed by social conditioning and fears. Although meditation
teachers teach that self-actualization is an intermediate step on the
meditator's path, and that man's true potential far exceeds the imagination
of most Westerners, psychotherapists might profitably explore the practice
of meditation as a means of enhancing the growth process, and a consideration
of meditation theory may add new dimensions to the conceptions of growth
and human potential [see also Compton (1984), who stated that Sallis
failed to differentiate between the various levels of meditation practice].
Comptom and Becker (1983) tested the hypothesis that the inconsistencies
found in research on the relationship between Zen meditation and self-actualization
were due in part to the existence of a learning period for Zen meditation.
Using the Personal Orientation Inventory, they tested thirty-six students
of Soto Zen and thirty-four undergraduate students who had never meditated.
They found that the learning period was approximately twelve months,
during which time there was no increase in group self-actualization. After that time, a significant increase in group self-actualization
was noted.
The following section summarizes reports on the effect of various types
of meditation (primarily TM) on measures of self-actualization:
The authors performed
a statistical meta-analysis of all existing studies (42 treatment outcomes)
on the effects of TM and other forms of meditation and relaxation on
self-actualization. The effect size of TM on overall self-actualization
was approximately three times as large as that of other forms of meditation
and relaxation. Factor analysis of the Personal Orientation Inventory
revealed three independent factors: effective maturity, integrative
perspective on the self and world, and resilient sense of self.
The authors
investigated the nature of the relationship between experiences of transcendental
consciousness and psychological health, and found that experience with
TM and the TM-Sidhi program was positively related to a general measure
of psychological health.
His study compared hypnosis
with two forms of meditation and a placebo treatment for their effects
on the Personal Orientation Inventory (POI). Hypnosis and TM were significantly
more effective in facilitating self-actualization with hypnosis showing
a slightly stronger effect. Findings support research suggesting that
hypnosis and meditation are similar in promoting psychological health.
This study measured the self-concept
(the relationship between one's real and ideal self) of sixteen subjects
practicing Transcendental Meditation and twenty control subjects, and
found that the meditators showed a dramatic increase in self-regard.
There was no meaningful difference between long- and short-term meditators,
however. Since the meditators had a significantly lower score on self-concept
than controls before TM instruction, the author speculated that those
choosing to practice TM have greater dissatisfaction with self and are
more ready for a change; in this they resemble individuals seeking psychotherapy
or other forms of help, so other disciplines of self-improvement may
work as well as TM in improving their self-esteem.
The authors
studied seven subjects who learned and practiced TM and seven controls.
They were given a role construct repertory grid and an Eysenck Personality
Questionnaire once before and twice after starting to practice TM.
Initially the two groups differed only in that meditation subjects tended
to judge other people to be more unlike their ideal selves than did
comparison subjects. This difference was maintained. With meditation
subjects the grid results showed a systematic pattern of significant
changes over the three tests. Meditators came to perceive their actual
selves as being increasingly similar to their ideal and social selves,
and they developed a more strongly defined concept of their actual selves. The authors concluded that TM has therapeutic value.
The MMPI and Tennessee
Self-Concept Scale were administered to volunteers in an experimental
group consisting of recovering alcoholics and individuals with general
emotional problems participating in a three-month program of TM, and
to a control group from the same population. Experimental and control
groups were not significantly different on any of the pretest measures,
and at posttest no significant differences were found.
In this study
a role construct repertory grid and an Eysenck Personality Questionnaire
were completed by TM subjects, once before and twice after starting
the regular practice of TM. Controls did not learn TM and were assessed
in the same way at the same times. With meditation subjects the grid
results showed a systematic pattern of significant changes over the
three tests. These changes indicate that meditators came to perceive
their actual selves as being increasingly similar to their ideal (as
they ideally want to be) and their social selves (as they are envisaged
by others), and that they developed a more strongly defined concept
of their actual selves that involved increased self-acceptance. Controls
did not show consistent or signficant changes between tests on any measure.
Ten undergraduate
students in social work were administered the Shostrom Personal Orientation
Inventory and were taught Benson's relaxation response meditation technique
or instructed to read relevant material for thirty minutes per day.
After three weeks, the two groups switched practices. A positive effect
of meditation on self-actualization was reported.
The
Eysenck Personality Inventory, the State Trait Anxiety Inventory, and two questionnaires
on health and drug usage were administered to thirty-nine subjects before
they learned TM or progressive relaxation. All subjects were tested
immediately after they had learned either technique and then retested
five, ten, and fifteen weeks later. There were no significant differences
between groups for any of the psychological variables at pretest. However,
at posttest the TM group displayed more significant declines in neuroticism
and drug use than the progressive relaxation group. Both groups demonstrated
significant decreases in state and trait anxiety. The more pronounced
results for meditators were explained by the greater amount of time
they spent meditating.
Ninety-four prospective
meditators were administered two fourteen-item questionnaires to ascertain
their present self-perceptions and their expectations of TM, on three
occasions: just before two introductory talks on meditation, just after
these talks, and seven months later on follow-up. Thirty-six subjects
decided against taking up meditation. Analysis of variance showed that
those who took up meditation were older, with more negative self-perceptions
and higher expectations of the positive effects of meditation. Frequent
practice was related to improved self-perception and increased expectation
scores on follow-up. Younger subjects appeared to be more suggestible;
they meditated more frequently, perceived themselves more positively,
and were more likely to report an improved perception of self compared
with their initial pretalk scores than older subjects.
Individuals
who practiced meditation scored higher on various indices of psychological
well-being and on hypnotic susceptibility. The authors concluded, however,
that similar previous results may reflect selective volunteering for
or selective attrition from meditation.
Forty-nine subjects
practicing the TM technique were given the Freiburger Personality Inventory
and were found to be less nervous, less aggressive, less depressed,
less irritable, more sociable, more self-confident, less domineering,
less inhibited, more emotionally stable, and more self-reliant than
a comparison group constructed from available age and sex norms. They
were normally extroverted.
The Freiburger Personality
Inventory was administered to a group of thirty-seven subjects three
times: before they learned the TM technique, approximately seven weeks
later, and approximately fifty-five weeks later. At the time of the
last testing, twelve subjects had discontinued meditation and were treated
as a control group. At the third testing, the twenty-five meditating
subjects showed significantly better scores than the control group on
the following five scales: nervousness, depression, irritability, inhibition,
and neuroticism.
Spielberger's State-Trait
Anxiety Inventory and Shostrom's Personal Orientation Inventory were
completed by three groups of undergraduates a few days before they began
a program of TM or a parallel program of progressive relaxation, or
before acting as controls. Seven weeks later both inventories were
readministered to all groups. Only the subjects who practiced TM showed
a significant reduction in trait anxiety scores, while subjects who
practiced TM or progressive relaxation showed a significant improvement
in self-actualization.
Two hundred eleven
subjects were tested with the Northridge Development Scale and the Spielberger
Trait Anxiety scale before learning TM. A significant increase in self-actualization
was observed among the 180 of these subjects who completed a posttest
seventeen weeks later.
The Personal
Orientation Inventory profile of Maharishi International University
students who practiced TM was compared with profiles presented in the
POI manual for a group of college students and for a group of relatively
self-actualized people. MIU students scored significantly higher than
nonmeditating college students on eight of the twelve POI scales, indicating
that the MIU students were generally more self- actualized than other
college students. MIU students also scored significantly higher than
a group of people judged to be relatively self-actualized on two of
the POI scales (Self-Regard and Nature of Man Constructive) and scored
as high as the self-actualized people on five of the POI scales (Time
Competent, Self-Actualizing Value, Feeling Reactivity, Spontaneity,
and Synergy). On the remaining five POI scales, MIU students scored
significantly lower than those judged to be self-actualized.
The Tennessee
Self-Concept Scale was administered to fifteen Austrialian subjects
who had been practicing Transcendental Meditation for a mean of three
years and to fifteen Australian subjects who had never practiced. A
"t" test showed that meditators had significantly more positive
self-concepts on seven of the twenty-nine test scores: Total Positive,
Identity, Self-Satisfaction, Personal Self, Personality Disorder, Distribution
Subscore 2, and Moral Ethical Self.
Two studies
were undertaken to examine changes in personality brought about by the
practice of TM. First, short-term meditators were compared with nonmeditating
controls on the Netherlands Personality Inventory. Significant reductions
in physical and social inadequacy, neuroticism, depression, and rigidity
were found in short-term meditators, whereas no change occurred in controls.
The second study compared long-term meditators with nonmeditating students
on the Netherlands Personality Inventory, Quality Inventory, Self-Esteem
Inventory, Self-Actualization Inventory, and Ego Strength Scale. Long-term
meditators showed remarkably higher levels of self-esteem, satisfaction,
ego strength, self-actualization, and trust in others, as well as improved
self-image as measured by the Self-Ideal Self Scale of the Quality Inventory.
This study found
that the practice of TM twice a day for about twenty minutes facilitated
self-actualization for an experimental group of thirty-three short-term
meditators and sixteen long-term meditators, versus a group of nineteen
nonmeditators, as indicated by their improved scores on the Northridge
Development Scale, the Cattell Anxiety Scale, and the Spielberger State-Trait
Anxiety Inventory.
Fifteen experienced TM meditators
and twenty-one novice meditators were administered Bendig's Anxiety
Scale, Rotter's Locus of Control Scale, and Shostrom's Personal Orientation
Inventory of self-actualization. Experienced meditators were significantly
less anxious and more internally controlled than beginning meditators,
and they were more self-actualized on seven of Shostrom's twelve subscales.
Shostrom's Personal
Orientation Inventory was administered two days before the beginning
of a TM program and readministered ten weeks later to an experimental
group of nine and a nonmeditating control group of nine. The control
group took the tests during the same period of time, with no significant
difference on any POI variables. For ten of the twelve variables, significant
differences between experimental and control subjects appeared in the
direction of self-actualization.
Using the Internal/External
Control of Reinforcement Scale and the Personal Orientation Inventory,
the authors found that individuals interested in TM were neither more
self-actualized nor more externally controlled than average.
Shostrom's Personal
Orientation Inventory was administered to an experimental group of fifteen
people two days before the beginning of a TM program. The control group
consisted of twenty nonmeditators. Experimental and control subjects
did not differ significantly on any of the POI scales on the first administration.
Two months later, following regular meditation sessions by the experimental
subjects, the POI was again administered to both groups. For six of
the POI variables there were differences between experimental and control
subjects in the direction of self-actualization.
For other studies examining the relationship between meditation and
self-actualization, see: Greene and Hiebert (1988), Thomas (1987), Coffelt
(1986), Warner (1986), deSantis (1986), Hungerman (1985), Rhyner (1985),
Delmonte (1984d), Ray (1984), Burrows (1984), Oldfield (1982), Trausch
(1981), Dice (1979), Joseph (1979), Bartels (1976), Joscelyn (1979),
Maher (1979), Pelletier (1976a, 1978), Lewis (1978), Kongtawng (1977),
Scott (1977), Bartels (1976), Weiner (1977), Denmark (1976), J. Shapiro
(1975), Valois (1976), Walder (1976), and Willis (1975).